Another Possible Solution: The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)

Another Possible Solution: The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)

Frequent readers of our posts may have followed our developments on understanding the Cambodian model and whether it is implementable in other parts of the world. On another front, Mr. Nguyen Van Phu, Managing Editor of the Saigon Economic Times, explains the two schools of thoughts in Vietnam regarding the controversial TPP agreement. In his blog post to the Financial Times on October 10th, 2013, Mr. Phu describes how the TPP is being used by advocates as a way to enforce better labor standards for domestic workers.

Interested parties can access the original blog post from the Financial Times here.

Guest post: TPP is a remedy but of a different kind

Nguyen-Van-Phu

Activists in Vietnam fight tenaciously for many things. They’ve advocated land ownership for farmers, equal footing for the state-owned and private sectors and the suspension of a costly bauxite project that is neither financially viable nor environmentally friendly. And yet, they have never raised their voices against the dark sides of free trade agreements as have their peers in other developing countries.

Granted, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a comprehensive free trade agreement that Vietnam is negotiating with 11 other countries including the US, will bring Vietnam some obvious benefits. However, these activists also understand very well the negative aspects of joining this “high standard” trade agreement at a time when their country is at the bottom of the global value chain. They know that local farmers will be exposed to new competition with their richer and heavily-subsidised counterparts; that Vietnam will get stuck with low-wage, environmentally costly labour-intensive industries like textiles and garments where local manufacturers can’t move beyond subcontracting jobs; and, most of all, that stricter intellectual property rights will likely translate into more expensive drugs for the Vietnamese people.

Not only have Vietnam’s liberals kept their mouths shut about these issues, they have tried to sell the TPP to the people as something inevitable, a remedy for all economic woes.

The reason is simple: these liberals want to use the requirements imposed by the TPP on its members as leverage on the government to implement much-needed reforms. They hope that once within the TPP framework, Vietnam’s government will have no option but to abide by transparency in policy-making, cease giving preferential treatment to state-owned companies, open government procurement to the private sector and pay more attention to environmental requirements… In short, do those things that their government is supposed to do but does not.

These omissions are seen especially in the case of Vietnamese workers’ well-being. Vietnam is a “socialist” country where workers are supposed to be the leading political and economic force. Ironically, however, it is the “capitalist” US that is putting pressure on Vietnam to protect workers’ interests by setting up independent labour unions. It is exactly such TPP requirements that induce many Vietnamese liberals to give their strong support to joining the trade agreement.

Among the requirements that the US will impose in return for greater access to its market, especially for Vietnamese textiles and footwear, is better treatment of workers. In a stark reality check, US Representative George Miller, a Democrat from California, has written to US Trade Representative Michael Froman questioning whether Vietnam can comply with its TPP commitments because, Miller wrote, there is evidence that export industry workers in Vietnam are “routinely denied basic labor standards.”

Froman’s written reply is also to the point: “By including Vietnam in the TPP negotiations, we have [a] mechanism to improve adherence to labor rights and working conditions in Vietnam that would not exist otherwise.”

The proposed TPP text would apply the International Labour Organization’s principles of freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining, as well as the elimination of all forms of forced labour, child labour and gender discrimination.

People may ask if Vietnamese workers aren’t protected by their government and point to an extensive network of labour unions. The sad fact, however, is that the labour unions are mostly for show. They are used as instrument of state control, and union representatives are more like officials than workers’ representatives. They are normally the ones who prevent workers from going on a strike, rather than organizing it.

A recent scandal involving four public utilities companies in Ho Chi Minh City is so far the strongest evidence of this collusion. The directors of these state-owned companies draw salaries ranging from $100,000 to $130,000 annually in a country where the per capita income is just $1,500. How could they pay themselves such high salaries? They resorted to the very basic trick of “exploiting” their own workers: instead of signing on workers as full-time employees who would enjoy full wages and benefits, they hired them as seasonal workers who were paid as little as $250 to $350 a month.

Arguably, if the workers had an independent labour union, such a scandal would not have happened. If the labour union representatives at these companies did not receive perks from the directors, they would not keep their mouths shut as they did in this case.

Such scandals make people in Vietnam wonder if it is a blessing in disguise that the US seems to be really pushing for better working conditions. Foreign investors, including those from the US, seem to like the way labour unions in Vietnam operate now. The Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry, which represents domestic enterprises, has complained that “Vietnam is not ready for such high requirements on labour standards and implementation, which would increase costs for entrepreneurs, risk workers’ unemployment, and have high implementation costs.”

So whether liberals in Vietnam should regard the TPP as a remedy or just an irony, or even a double irony, remains to be seen.

A Closer Look at Auditing- BGF speaks with Social Auditor Rachelle Jackson

A Closer Look at Auditing- BGF speaks with Social Auditor Rachelle Jackson

The Rana Plaza factory collapse has sought greater commitment from brands across the world especially with regard to auditing procedures in their supply chains. But what exactly is an auditing process, who are its key players, how did it evolve and how can it be made most effective? Rachelle Jackson, Director of Sustainability and Innovation at Arche Advisors, a corporate social responsibility advisory services firm, takes the time to answer these questions in an interview with Boston Global Forum (BGF).

Credit-www.archeadvisors.com

Credit-www.archeadvisors.com

BGF: Tell us a little bit about your organization. What kind of factories does Arche Advisors audit, in which countries and how are these processes carried out?

Rachelle: Arche Advisors is an advisory services firm and we look primarily at issues of corporate social responsibility related to supply chains. That includes labor standards, safety standards and other related issues. Most of our team members have been working in this industry for over ten years. I myself have done more than a thousand audits in about 75 countries over the last 16 years. We started auditing apparel 20 years ago. Apparel auditing was initiated by Levi Strauss who was the first company that conducted supply chain monitoring back in 1989, in response to child labor in Bangladesh. After the apparel sector, many other sectors became aware of these issues in their supply chains so now it’s very common to find giant retail stores like Wal-Mart doing monitoring. Everything you find in a Wal-Mart store, like jewelry, shoes, and electronics, is generally audited. But we’re noticing that more and more food and agriculture farms are getting drawn into this scope for food and beverage companies. We’ve also done work in the extraction sector for coal and gold mines as they have an extended scope of impact on their workers. That is our scope of experience.

BGF: What do you mean when you say ‘auditing’? Do you standardize your auditing processes across different sectors? If so, how?

Rachelle: Great question! It (auditing) has really evolved a lot over time. When social auditing began, back in the mid 1990s, there was a lot of garment production in the US at that time, and the US Department of Labor (DOL) found factories for brands like Guess and Gap to be more like sweatshops. They were constantly finding wage and hour violations and they developed a program where they required these firms to sign a contract with the government. When the DOL found a problem in the factory, they would go to the brand who was purchasing clothes from that factory, and force them to sign a contract with the government which mandated monitoring of labor conditions in those factories on a quarterly basis. Monitoring really developed there through the DOL program. When I started monitoring at a firm, many years ago, we had an ex Department of Labor veteran investigator, and he took the US DOL’s auditing protocol and built a training program for the firm. Hence, private sector auditors were created from this government-monitoring program. We’ve adopted techniques from the US DOL’s inspection program, in order to do what we call ‘social auditing’. The process involves announcing the inspection, arriving at the site, speaking with workers about their working conditions, looking at payroll records and time cards and then walking through the premises to do safety checks. When the work began in the mid 1990s, appearing unannounced at a factory was the norm. Today, most visits are semi-announced which means that a window of time is given to the factory within which the inspection is scheduled to take place. But there is no specific date or time. This change came about because going unannounced gave factories an excuse to prevent auditors from entering- they’d claim that their payroll officer was absent and make other such excuses. With notice, they have to have everything available for the audit or they’ll be challenged for not having that information.

As far as checklists go, audit firms use them as a field tool. Initially companies would let firms dictate how audits should be conducted. But over time, as companies learnt more about social auditing, they would come up with their own protocol, or their own preferred way of conducting an audit. Companies also began to put forward their own checklists. When a company uses more than one auditor, for example Wal-Mart who uses 6-7 audit firms, they give their own protocol and checklists to ensure uniformity. But that comes with its own risks as companies are not always willing to receive feedback from auditors or field people on their protocol.  As a result, several experts feel like they may not be receiving the best protocol for auditing, or it’s a lot of paperwork that forces the auditors to spend their time filling out forms instead of talking to the workers. I think it’s very important for companies to be very open to hearing that their approach might not be the best.

BGF: Do you find that companies, especially apparel manufacturing factories, are still insisting on their own methods of protocol or are they more open to feedback?

Rachelle: I think different checklists have begun to merge. Even though there are a lot of different forms and approaches, they all tend to cover the same bases. The concerns don’t lie with checklists themselves. There are other issues that are more concerning, like sample size- how much information does a company require versus how much time they give the auditor to find it out. Reporting formats are another concern- is the reporting template flexible enough that auditors can put in information that needs to be there and is it appropriate in scope and in length for the type of visit that was done. Some companies have really extensive forms and they might have five or six different reports that should be completed from each visit. These tend to be very repetitious and filling them out can take a lot of time away from the audit activity. But checklists are just field tools that auditors use to help write their report. Reports contain all the important information- it allows space for conflicting viewpoints- what the auditors saw versus what the employees said versus the information they got from management and from documentation. As an auditor, we’d want flexibility to report what is important. When forms are too prescriptive then auditors may feel like they lack the flexibility to record valuable observations.

BGF: What happens to auditing reports- do they go to the brands/retailers or subcontractors or to another party?

Rachelle: The reports go to whoever paid for them. There are several different ways these audit activities are funded. A lot of companies, in their social responsibility program, have funding for a certain number of audits. They pay directly to get audits done and they receive the reports. It’s up to them what they do with a report. Some of them will send it to the vendor (or subcontractor) and they may ask the vendor to work with the factory to improve whatever was found in the report. If the company has a smaller supply chain footprint, they may send it straight to the factory instead of a middleman. Normally, the report is used to have a dialogue around next steps and what needs to happen. Audit firms don’t always know how that goes. We may or may not hear back from our clients about improvements made in the factory.  At times, they may ask us to go back six months later to do a follow-up audit and we can see for ourselves whether or not the recommendations were taken seriously. In other scenarios, if the middleman has a larger supply chain, the brand company may ask the vendor to bear auditing costs to ensure good social practices at the factories that the vendor has sourced. There are a lot of different ways that these relationships play out.

BGF: How do the recent factory disasters affect auditing procedures? What would you like to see changed?

Rachelle: Various people get blamed after a disaster and what that shows is that it’s a multi-faceted issue. When people say that brands need to do more or audits need to be different or the government needs to focus on enforcement or factory owners need to do more to follow worker safety laws – they’re all right to some degree. Not a single one of them can be successful on their own. Even in the US where we have good enforcement of our labor laws, monitoring began here because the Department of Labor said they were tired of finding problems in factories and they wanted the private sector to have a role.

As far as how the auditing process can be changed, I would like to see companies being less prescriptive in the auditing process. Speaking from example, as consumers when we use financial auditors we don’t tell them how they need to do their audits. We hire them because they are qualified auditors and we trust them to carry out the task following the principles they were trained in. That’s not that way social auditing works although I wish that it were. Auditors and audit firms have made big investments in training, getting field experience and having a professional approach to monitoring procedures but then companies dictate how they should be done. A company should be able to state what they’d like to get out of the audit and what data points they’d like to see but, ultimately, I think that auditors should have the ability to approach their pressures of prescribing to certain checklists and forms. They should go out and be auditors and do the work that they need to do.

Read an interview with Greg Gardener, President and CEO of Arche Advisors, who echoes Jackson’s thoughts on lack of flexibility for auditors and also lends first-hand insight on factory conditions in Bangladesh.

“The system is intentionally designed to not only outsource production, but to outsource responsibility…” Dara O’Rourke on global supply chains

“The system is intentionally designed to not only outsource production, but to outsource responsibility…” Dara O’Rourke on global supply chains

Dr Dara O’Rourke has spent the last two decades researching the environmental, social and health impacts of global production systems. His research has evolved to include the study of governmental and non-governmental strategies for monitoring and accountability and new models of public participation in environmental and labor policy. He is currently Associate Professor of Environmental and Labor Policy at the University of California at Berkeley and is the founder of GoodGuide, the world’s largest database on safe, healthy, green, and ethical products based on scientific ratings. Dr O’Rourke has published three books, and several academic articles, including the award-winning Community-Driven Regulation (MIT Press, 2004). His newest book is titled Shopping for Good

In this interview with Boston Global Forum (BGF), Dr O’Rourke discusses loopholes in factory monitoring processes, the role of subcontractors and the development and impact of GoodGuide.

Credit-www.daraorourke.comCredit-www.daraorourke.com

 BGF: When did you first realize that labor monitoring in global supply chains was an issue that needed addressing?

Dr O’Rourke: I was doing work in factories in Southeast Asia in the early 1990s but I focused more on environmental issues at that time. I worked for the UNEP in Bangkok and for my PhD dissertation I studied factories in Vietnam, starting in 1994. In 1996, I researched ten factories in Vietnam one of which was producing shoes for Nike. I conducted a waste audit technocratic environmental assessment of the factory’s conditions and found very poor environmental conditions but also discovered very poor work place environment conditions. During my research, Nike had hired Ernst & Young (EY) to audit their factories and, in addition to what we found, EY had documented that two-thirds of the women had respiratory illnesses, massive violations of overtime laws, alleged rapes of women in the factories and other horrendous kinds of physical and verbal abuse.

I spent several months interacting with Nike trying to get them to take these problems seriously but they didn’t. I ended up writing a report on the conditions in these factories which was published in The New York Times in 1997. That is what pulled me from doing technical research to being engaged in broader public debates about work place conditions. I started looking not only into technical issues about air quality within factories and chemicals and toxics used in production but broader labor rights and human rights issues. I’ve done research in the last 15 years inside factories that make global brands of footwear, apparel, toys, electronics, chemicals and processed food and have focused increasingly on interdisciplinary work that looks at the full environmental, social and health impacts of production systems. I moved from technical questions of what chemical or solvent in the shoe causes a respiratory ailment to how you can change systems of governance of these global supply chains to prevent toxics, prevent sweatshops and prevent worker abuse. I conduct research and interact with governments, NGOs, unions and companies on new governance strategies to try and improve conditions in these global supply chains.

BGF: Even with monitoring processes and audits on the ground, why have situations not improved in the last 20 years? What has prevented progressive change from taking place in factories?

Dr O’Rourke: This is the sad part, and it’s mentioned in The New York Times article that we see the same problem surfacing over and over again. It feels like I give the same interview every year or so on the failures of global regulatory systems and the failures of monitoring systems. They continue to not find the problems in these factories or they continue to not solve the problems in these factories.

In the case of Bangladesh and the current global apparel industry, I think they monitor only symptoms of problems in the industry. For example, a checklist audit can observe people working beyond legal limits so they document overtime violations or they document accident and injury rates. The monitoring process is able to identify those symptoms of problems. Our work is to find out how to go from that symptom to a root cause of a problem and answer questions like: why are these accidents occurring and when are they occurring? If they’re occurring between 12am-4am, why are the workers working at that hour? In response, factory managers may say that the order came in late from New York or San Francisco, and they had to work overnight cause the contract said that if they miss the deadline, they would have eat all the material cost and could go bankrupt. By looking deeper, you start going from the accident rate to the overtime to the real cause- which is actually a contract that specifies a delivery time, a speed of operation and a price point that drives the factory to cut costs, work laborers long hours at low pay and eliminate safety procedures. And as you dig further down into the system, I would say the real root cause is the system of fast fashion which consistently drives down prices, speeds up delivery time, increases style changes and puts pressure on the whole system downward, including on the monitoring system where you’ve got a commodity-business of checklist auditing in factories that can’t take the time to progress from symptoms to root causes to solutions for those root causes.

There is a lot of blame to go around in Bangladesh from inspectors to factory managers to corrupt government officials to the parliament itself but there’s a lot of blame in the hands of the US retailers that are specifying, through their contracts, production pricing and delivery times which I think are the root cause of why workers walked back into Rana Plaza on April 24th. Their factory managers knew that if they did not complete those orders, they could go bankrupt. The workers knew that if they did not walk back into the factory, they could lose their job. This is where I think the monitoring systems miss the root cause and focus on symptoms, and at best identify problems. But they’re almost never solve these problems.

BGF: In almost every media report, the subcontractors get blamed from both the demand and the supply end. What’s the role of subcontractors?

Dr O’Rourke: The whole system of global apparel is organized in a fashion such that due to the fast fashion industry, the people who cut the deal are not the same as the people who produce the goods.  The deal is cut by big middle organizations, like Li & Fung, but often they are smaller contract or job houses that find factories to produce the goods. What we see repeatedly is that in the day after a catastrophe all the global brands and retailers are scrambling to find out if they have products being produced in those factories. The system is intentionally designed to not only outsource production, but to outsource responsibility for hiring workers, managing the supply chains and dealing with inventory. To meet delivery pressures, the first factory receiving the order illegally subs out some of the order to meet the deadline. The brands have such poor visibility into their own supply chains, that for Rana Plaza, two weeks had passed before Benetton came out and admitted that they had products in Rana Plaza. It was a week after Tazreen (factory fire) that Wal-Mart admitted it had products in Tazreen. These brands intentionally don’t know where their product is being manufactured and they intentionally want to sign a contract with a middleman who is not on the front line.

BGF: So, what’s going to happen to the middleman in the light of these disasters?

Dr O’Rourke: They’re definitely not going to be replaced. None of these brands or retailers want to manage the actual production of their products. They’re going to continue to play a key role and we’ve actually seen an increase in role and an increase in concentration of power and an increasing vertical reintegration among the very large companies. The middlemen are becoming bigger and more powerful and more important. And I would say, that going forward their brands are going to be publicly known. For example, two years ago no one had heard of Foxconn (supplier of electronics) but now Foxconn is a known entity. And the same holds true for Pou Chen (the largest shoe manufacturer in the world) and Li & Fung. I think the middleman will grow in both power and notoriety and their brands will become known brands and they will be targeted by NGOs as key actors in the global supply chain. I don’t see them going away at all; I see them getting stronger.

BGF: How do you source information to rate products according to health, environment and society factors for GoodGuide- your consumer education and information tool?

Dr O’Rourke: We have a science team that conducts ‘product oncology’ which is an assessment using several different scientific methods. We rate our products according to three categories- environment, health and society. For environment, we use life cycle assessments; for health, we use chemical risk assessments and health hazard assessments; and for society we use social impact assessments. Our team looks at a product category and comes up with what matters most on the environmental, health and social impacts across the full life cycle of that product. Our team first identifies what matters most, scientifically, and then develops a complex algorithm with hundreds of attributes, which is passed down to the data team. The data team collects data on those attributes related to the product, the company behind the product and the supply chain. We pull data from different data sources around the world covering six primary areas. These include company self-disclosures, government databases, academic data sources, private research firms, socially responsible investment communities and authoritative NGOs.

The algorithm and data collectively feeds into a process that allows us to rate products and companies on a 10-point scale with 10 being the best. We also have an engineering team that has built our website, iPhone and android apps and a toolbar browser plug-in so consumers can use GoodGuide while shopping on Amazon. We’ve built tools for consumers to help personalize their shopping. The science can be filtered through a consumer’s personal concerns. Example if someone is concerned about animal testing, they can filter out all companies that test their products on animals by using tools on GoodGuide.

The hard work is building the algorithm. Once we’ve built the algorithm, we can rate any company in the world if we can get data on them. It’s a lot of work but it’s designed to be scalable so we can rate any shampoo, any pair of jeans or any cell phone in the world.

BGF: What measurable impact has GoodGuide had?

Dr O’Rourke: We’ve had over 25 million consumers use GoodGuide, a million have downloaded our iPhone app and we have data to show the impact of GoodGuide ratings on consumer purchase and decision-making. On the company side we know from the industries that we’re interacting with, that we’re having a real impact on a number of industries especially in encouraging transparency. We’ve seen a number of industries become much more transparent than they were when we started. And once they become more transparent, we see them phasing out toxic chemicals from their ingredients. But it’s not us alone, we are part of an ecosystem of groups that are moving industries to become more transparent and hopefully phase out some of their worst chemicals and processes.

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Fast and Flawed Inspections of Factories Abroad- The New York Times

If factory inspections and monitoring processes were already in place, then why did 1800 garment workers lose their lives within a span of a year? The New York Times uncovers the fatal flaws that have led to the loss of lives and trust in global supply chain economies.

NYT reporters Stephanie Clifford and Steven Greenhouse have the story.

Zaichun Ye, right, a consultant at Verité in China, seeing if a worker is wearing chain mail gloves at a textile factory in Yuhang in Zhejiang province. Credit- The New York Times/ Jonathan Browning

Zaichun Ye, right, a consultant at Verité in China, seeing if a worker is wearing chain mail gloves at a textile factory in Yuhang in Zhejiang province. Credit- The New York Times/ Jonathan Browning

Fast and Flawed Inspections of Factories Abroad

Inspectors came and went from a Walmart-certified factory in Guangdong Province in China, approving its production of more than $2 million in specialty items that would land on Walmart’s shelves in time for Christmas.

But unknown to the inspectors, none of the playful items, including reindeer suits and Mrs. Claus dresses for dogs, that were supplied to Walmart had been manufactured at the factory. Instead, Chinese workers sewed the goods — which had been ordered by the Quaker Pet Group, a company based in New Jersey — at a rogue factory that had not gone through the certification process set by Walmart for labor, worker safety or quality, according to documents and interviews with officials involved.

To receive approval for shipment to Walmart, a Quaker subcontractor just moved the items over to the approved factory, where they were presented to inspectors as though they had been stitched together there and never left the premises.

Soon after the merchandise reached Walmart stores, it began falling apart.

Fifteen hundred miles to the west, the Rosita Knitwear factory in northwestern Bangladesh — which made sweaters for companies across Europe — passed an inspection audit with high grades. A team of four monitors gave the factory hundreds of approving check marks. In all 12 major categories, including working hours, compensation, management practices and health and safety, the factory received the top grade of “good.” “Working Conditions — No complaints from the workers,” the auditors wrote.

In February 2012, 10 months after that inspection, Rosita’s workers rampaged through the factory, vandalizing its machinery and accusing management of reneging on promised raises, bonuses and overtime pay. Some claimed that they had been sexually harassed or beaten by guards. Not a hint of those grievances was reported in the audit.

As Western companies overwhelmingly turn to low-wage countries far away from corporate headquarters to produce cheap apparel, electronics and other goods, factory inspections have become a vital link in the supply chain of overseas production.

An extensive examination by The New York Times reveals how the inspection system intended to protect workers and ensure manufacturing quality is riddled with flaws. The inspections are often so superficial that they omit the most fundamental workplace safeguards like fire escapes. And even when inspectors are tough, factory managers find ways to trick them and hide serious violations, like child labor or locked exit doors. Dangerous conditions cited in the audits frequently take months to correct, often with little enforcement or follow-through to guarantee compliance.

Dara O’Rourke, a global supply chain expert at the University of California, Berkeley, said little had improved in 20 years of factory monitoring, especially with increased use of the cheaper “check the box” inspections at thousands of factories. “The auditors are put under greater pressure on speed, and they’re not able to keep up with what’s really going on in the apparel industry,” he said. “We see factories and brands passing audits but failing the factories’ workers.”

Still, major companies including Walmart, Apple, Gap and Nike turn to monitoring not just to check that production is on time and of adequate quality, but also to project a corporate image that aims to assure consumers that they do not use Dickensian sweatshops. Moreover, Western companies now depend on inspectors to uncover hazardous work conditions, like faulty electrical wiring or blocked stairways, that have exposed some corporations to charges of irresponsibility and exploitation after factory disasters that killed hundreds of workers.

The Rana Plaza factory collapse in Bangladesh, which killed 1,129 workers in April, intensified international scrutiny on factory monitoring, and pressured the world’s biggest retailers to sign on to agreements to tighten inspection standards and upgrade safety measures. While many groups consider the accords a significant advance, some longtime auditors and labor groups voice skepticism that inspection systems alone can ensure a safe workplace. After all, they say, the number of audits at Bangladesh factories has steadily increased as the country has become one of the world’s largest garment exporters, and still 1,800 workers there have died in workplace disasters in the last 10 years.

“We’ve been auditing factories in Bangladesh for 20 years, and I wonder: ‘Why aren’t these things changing? Why aren’t things getting better?’ ” said Rachelle Jackson, the director of sustainability and innovation at Arche Advisors, a monitoring group based in California.

Even with American and European companies appointing executives this summer to put in place a stricter regimen of inspections and safeguards under the new agreements, these efforts are limited to Bangladesh. Other leading garment-producing nations, like China, Honduras, Indonesia, Pakistan and Vietnam, are not getting such stepped-up attention or expanded inspections. Thousands of factories in those countries will no doubt continue to be reviewed through the perfunctory “check the box” audits.

Trouble With Audits

Factory monitoring companies have established a booming business in the two decades since Gap, Nike, Walmart and others were tarnished by disclosures that their overseas factories employed underage workers and engaged in other abusive workplace practices. Each year, these monitoring companies assess more than 50,000 factories worldwide that employ millions of workers. Walmart alone commissioned more than 11,500 inspectionslast year. Spurred by heightened demand for monitoring, the share prices of three of the biggest publicly traded monitoring companies, SGS, Intertek and Bureau Veritas, have all increased about 50 percent from two years ago.

The inspections carry enormous weight with factory owners, who stand to win or lose millions of dollars in orders depending on their ratings. With stakes so high, factory managers have been known to try to trick or cheat the auditors. Bribery offers are not unheard-of. Often notified beforehand about an inspector’s visit, factory managers will unlock fire exit doors, unblock cluttered stairwells or tell underage child laborers not to show up at work that week.

Unauthorized subcontracting, or farming work out, to an unapproved factory (as was the case for the Quaker Pet Group order in China), is “very, very common,” according to Gary Peck, founder and managing director of the S Group, a design and sourcing company based in Portland, Ore.

Though almost all retailers prohibit the practice in their contracts, suppliers still do it to save money, speed production and meet high-volume orders.

And even inspections conducted at authorized factories can be deeply flawed. When NTD Apparel, a contractor for Walmart that is based in Montreal, hired a firm to inspect the Tazreen factory in Bangladesh before 112 workers died in a fire in November, the monitors’ questionnaire asked whether the factory had the proper number of fire extinguishers and smoke detectors on each floor. But it did not call for checking whether the factory had fire escapes or enclosed, fireproof stairways, which safety experts say could have saved lives.

“If it’s a check-the-box inspection, you better have the right boxes to look at,” said Daniel Viederman, chief executive of Verité, a nonprofit monitoring group.

Sajeev Jesudas, president of UL Verification Services, which conducted the Tazreen audit, said inspecting for fire escapes and fireproof stairways was “the responsibility of the local building inspectors.” Bangladesh has been faulted for having far too few officials to inspect factories.

Greg Gardner, the chief executive of Arche Advisors, said Western retailers and brands often seek different levels of audits. Some, like Levi’s and Patagonia, want rigorous — and costly — audits, while others prefer limited, inexpensive audits that will not jeopardize relationships with favored suppliers.

Audits can be very brief. A single inspector might visit a 1,000-employee factory for six to eight hours to review all types of manufacturing issues, like wages, child labor or toxic chemicals. Some auditors receive only five days of training, whereas the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration requires three years of training and experience assisting inspectors before employees can lead an inspection of a sizable factory in the United States.

In the Rosita case, after the workers went on their rampage, the Western companies that bought the factory’s knitwear grew alarmed. So Rosita’s owner, South Ocean, a conglomerate based in Hong Kong, commissioned a new inspection.

That inspection, conducted by Verité, which is based in Massachusetts, was a scathing broadside. Verité’s monitors found “ongoing physical abuse” and “verbal and psychological harassment,” with managers compelling workers who arrived late to stand for “many hours without rest.”

Verité’s three-day inspection found errors in calculating wages, chemical containers labeled only in English and unreasonably high production quotas for which workers were disciplined or fired for not meeting. The inspectors noted that workers “often face harsh treatment,” including jeering from managers if they requested sick leave or annual leave. The monitors also found that managers had fired employees for missing work because of a death in the family and that security guards had beaten workers involved in union and protest activities.

Mr. Viederman of Verité said the earlier inspection, performed by a major monitoring firm, SGS, demonstrated the shortcomings of checklist audits. The SGS inspection involved a one-day visit, largely seeking yes-no answers, probably for a modest fee.

He noted that SGS had interviewed employees only inside the factory, where workers were often unlikely to speak candidly, and not outside — for instance, at bus stops or at home, where workers might open up.

Charles Kernaghan, executive director of the Institute for Global Labor and Human Rights, was shocked when he read the SGS inspection report for Rosita. “The auditors were saying everything was in perfect order,” he said. “It shows how ineffective these monitoring organizations can be.”

Effie Marinos, sustainability manager at SGS, defended her company’s findings. She said SGS had followed the inspection protocol developed by the Business Social Compliance Initiative, a factory certification group for European businesses.

Ms. Marinos said the protocol for Rosita did not require interviewing workers outside the factory, a practice that she cautioned could undermine a relationship between a Western company and its suppliers.

“You don’t want to start the whole approach with a lack of trust, that they are trying to fool you, that they are behaving unethically,” she said. “It can sour an entire relationship.”

Bypassing Inspection Rules

The Walmart purchase orders read “Ethical Standards Required.”

In mid-2011, the Quaker Pet Group, whose biggest customer was Walmart, began looking for cheaper factories where its trendy dog clothes could be made, according to a former Quaker employee who requested anonymity for fear of reprisal from Quaker. The company has also sold its goods to Petco, PetSmart and smaller retailers.

Quaker settled on a plant called Jiutai Bag and Gift Factory in Dongguan, Guangdong. After visiting the site, Quaker’s president, Neil Werde, sent a note to a Jiutai representative in June 2011. “I was pleased with your factory,” Mr. Werde wrote, according to an e-mail shared by the former employee. “Good luck on the Walmart inspection.”

That inspection did not occur. Quaker officials became concerned that Jiutai would not be able to pass an inspection, the former employee said.

But there was a workaround. While Jiutai would make the garments, Quaker would fill out order forms to say that the items had been made by Ease Clever Plastic Manufactory, then an approved Walmart supplier. Ease Clever is an established manufacturer that ships products to Target and other large companies, according to the global trade database Panjiva. Jiutai, by contrast, had only one recent listing in the database, for a small shipment to Puerto Rico in 2011.

The stickiest issue was how to get the clothing made by Jiutai past Walmart inspectors. An inspection at Ease Clever was scheduled for September 2011, when the Walmart representatives would check that the dog outfits were being manufactured there, the former employee said.

Jiutai simply took the clothes to Ease Clever, according to the former employee. Those moves were outlined in a later e-mail from a Jiutai representative to Mr. Werde.

“The Walmart inspectors showed up and said, ‘Oh, they are being made here.’ It’s not as challenging as you would think,” the former employee said. “You have your finished-goods area and just show them the cartons being packed out.”

In an e-mail to Mr. Werde, the Jiutai representative, identified as Mr. Hu, detailed how the setup had worked as he pushed Quaker for payment.

In July, Mr. Hu wrote, a company based in Hong Kong called KYCE, apparently acting as a liaison, helped arrange an order for the Christmas dog clothes. “JiuTai only make the clothes,” Mr. Hu wrote.

In September, “we hang the clothes” in display cases and “send to Ease Clever warehouse for Walmart during inspection,” Mr. Hu added, including photographs of the costumes. After the inspection, the clothes went back to Jiutai, and Jiutai, after making final adjustments, packed and delivered the clothes to the shipping terminal, Mr. Hu wrote. Mr. Hu and KYCE representatives did not respond to multiple e-mails seeking comment.

Throughout September, according to Walmart purchase orders, Quaker shipped $2.1 million worth of pet outfits from Yantian, China, to various American ports. The purchase orders list Mrs. Claus dresses, Santa suits and reindeer suits — the exact outfits Mr. Hu of Jiutai said he had made at his factory and then photographed. But the purchase orders list Ease Clever as the supplier, not Jiutai.

Contacted by telephone last month about the inspection and shipment, Jay Xie, a sales manager for Ease Clever, said the company had allowed the use of its Walmart certification. “His factory had not yet been audited — he used my factory because it was already audited,” Mr. Xie said of the Jiutai factory manager. Mr. Xie said this had happened only once, as a friendly act to help a fellow manufacturer.

The shipment, though, was late, according to the former employee and Mr. Hu’s e-mail. And soon after Walmart started selling these items, Quaker began receiving complaints, according to the former employee. When Walmart conducted a quality test on the Mrs. Claus dress, it found holes, and the outfit failed the test. Walmart executives then summoned Quaker employees to its sourcing office in Shanghai for an explanation, but Quaker did not disclose the subcontracting to Walmart at that time, the former employee said.

In March 2013, Walmart received a tip, via its global ethics hot line, about the unauthorized subcontracting and looked into it.

Kevin Gardner, a spokesman for the company, confirmed that subcontracting in this case occurred in 2011, and that Walmart officials “met with the supplier after the investigation to go through the findings and reinforce what our expectations are pursuant to subcontracting.”

Even though Walmart was alerted to the case nearly two years after the products were made and only after a hot line tip, the retailer pointed to the episode as an example of how its investigation and compliance system was working, not faltering.

“We investigated. We talked with the supplier. We think this does show the processes were in place,” Mr. Gardner said.

In January of this year, Walmart established a “zero tolerance” policy, saying it would drop suppliers who used subcontractors without the company’s approval. Walmart adopted the policy after garments headed to the company were found in the fire debris at Tazreen, an unauthorized factory.

Quaker and Mr. Werde declined to comment. The pet specialty company remains a Walmart supplier, Mr. Gardner said.

Cat-and-Mouse Games

The question-and-answer sheet that the factory’s managers distributed to all their employees was explicit: if an inspector ever asked, “Are there injury records?” they were to answer, “Have not heard of any work-related injuries.”

And if an inspector asked, “Any corporal punishment in the factory?” the employees were to reply, “No.” If monitors inquired about underage workers at the plant, employees were coached to respond, “Employment for those less than 16 years old is prohibited.”

This sheet, prepared by managers at a Chinese factory and obtained by The Times, had one purpose: to trick inspectors.

Supply chain experts and monitors say that far too often, factory managers play cat-and-mouse games with inspectors because they are desperate to avoid a failing grade and the loss of a lucrative stream of orders.

The experts provided real-life examples. To avoid appearing illegally overcrowded, one factory moved many machines into trucks parked outside during an inspection, a monitor said. Whenever inspectors showed up at certain plants in China, the loudspeakers began playing a certain song to signal that underage workers should run out the back door, according to several monitors. During inspections in India, some factories displayed elaborate charts detailing health and safety procedures that, like stage props, were transferred from one factory to another, another monitor said.

For monitoring companies with major retailing clients, the auditing regimen can be nonstop. The territory itself is daunting — 5,000 factories produce garments in Bangladesh alone. A retailer that uses 1,000 factories worldwide might want to pay no more than $1,000 an inspection — that could mean a one-day, check-the-box audit — instead of $5,000 for thorough, five-day inspections. That would cost $1 million instead of $5 million.

“You have this intense price pressure downward on these inspection firms, turning them into a commodity business,” said Mr. O’Rourke of the University of California, Berkeley.

Auret van Heerden, president and chief executive of the Fair Labor Association, a nonprofit group that Apple uses to monitor its Foxconn factories in China, said many inspectors were too rushed. “Many are doing a factory a day, and many auditors, more than one factory a day,” he said. “They’re on a plane and going to a new city the next day. They don’t have much time to think about it or dwell on it.”

Despite some improvements, many supply chain experts say monitoring has inherent shortcomings. Not long ago, Nike and other sporting goods companies were shaken by revelations that children, ages 5 to 14, toiled up to 11 hours a day making soccer balls for them in Sialkot, Pakistan.

A study found that half of Pakistan’s soccer ball workers were making less than the minimum wage, with many stitching the balls’ panels together at home, making it hard for factory monitors to unearth such violations.

Nike responded by requiring its main contractor there, Silver Star, to consolidate production in one big factory. Knowing how skilled many contractors have become at gaming the monitoring system, Nike took an unusual step and ordered Silver Star to set up a system of elected worker representatives who would be charged with speaking up about safety problems, wage violations or other issues.

“We’ve learned that monitoring alone isn’t enough,” said Greg Rossiter, Nike’s chief spokesman.

Mr. van Heerden said, “You can never visit facilities often enough to make sure they stay compliant — you’ll never have enough inspectors to do that. What really keeps factories compliant is when workers have a voice and they can speak out when something isn’t right.”

Still, after a string of fatal disasters and repeated failures in uncovering serious violations, many experts doubt that even a highly organized and supervised inspection industry can improve factory conditions in country after country. Heather White, a research fellow at Harvard and a longtime factory auditor, said, “It starts as a dream, then it becomes an organization, and it finally ends up as a racket.”

 

 

Fashioning Justice for Bangladesh – The American Prospect

Western multinationals are behind disasters like the Bangladesh factory collapse. Will public outrage and a new labor agreement lead to improvements for workers? The article from The American Prospect reports a long journey of finding justice for Bangladesh .

Robert Kuttner has the story

ap778734956696_0(Source: AP)

Fashioning Justice for Bangladesh

On April 24, the Rana Plaza garment factory in Bangladesh collapsed, killing 1,129 workers and injuring at least 1,500 more. Most were young women earning about $37 a month, or a bit more than a dollar a day. The collapse was the worst disaster in the history of the global garment industry, evoking the 1911 Triangle Shirtwaist factory fire in New York City. The Rana Plaza factory made apparel for more than a dozen major international fashion brands, including Benetton, J.C. Penney, and Wal-Mart. This was the third major industrial accident in Bangladesh since November, when 112 people were killed in a fire at a garment factory producing mainly for Wal-Mart. At Rana Plaza, cracks appeared in the eight-story building the day before it collapsed. Police ordered an evacuation of the building. But survivors say they were told that their pay would be docked if they did not return to the factory floor, and most did.

Bangladesh, a nation of more than 160 million, has some 4 million garment-industry workers and 40 building inspectors. After China, it is the world’s second-largest apparel producer: a destination of choice for the fashion industry because workers effectively have no rights and are among the world’s most desperately poor people. These tragedies underscored not just the brutality of the global garment industry but also the bankruptcy of a voluntary system of industry-sponsored factory certification by nonprofits funded by the big fashion brands.

In August 2012, one of the most prestigious monitoring groups, Social Accountability International, gave a factory owned by Ali Enterprises in Karachi, Pakistan, a clean bill of health. A month later, the factory burned, killing some 300 workers who were trapped behind locked doors.

In January 2012, Apple selected the monitoring group Fair Labor Association (FLA) to review conditions in the factories of Foxconn, its contractor in China. Two weeks later, The New York Times published an exposé of grim conditions, including 70-hour workweeks and a spate of worker suicides. In February, the head of the FLA toured Foxconn and pronounced the facilities “first class.”

Thanks to the notoriety of the Rana Plaza collapse and the persistence of the global labor movement, anti–sweatshop activists in the U.S. and Europe, and an independent, labor-affiliated advocacy group, the Worker Rights Consortium (WRC), the tragedy in Bangladesh could open the door to more robust corporate accountability. A legally binding contract, signed May 15 by some 40 fashion brands, commits the big retailers and apparel producers to take responsibility for what happens in the factories that make the clothing they sell.

Under the Accord on Building and Fire Safety in Bangladesh, the Western fashion companies will invest millions of dollars in factory improvements and provide longer-term supply contracts so that factory owners have the cash flow and confidence to invest in upgrades. The brands agree to independent safety inspections whose results are made public, with binding arbitration in the event of disputes and an enforceable commitment by the brands to terminate business with factories that do not meet safety standards. A seven-person committee enforces the agreement, with three members from labor groups, three from the fashion brands, and a representative of the International Labor Organization (ILO) in Geneva, a U.N.–affiliated watchdog body founded in 1919 to promote worker rights, as chair and tiebreaker. The agreement, however, is about safety. It does not address wages per se, but it does commit the fashion brands to require the large factories they purchase from to allow union representatives to help train factory workers in safety monitoring. Sponsors hope that a union presence will lead to better wages.

By July, some 70 major European fashion brands and retailers with production in Bangladesh had signed the accord. Only a handful of U.S. companies joined, including PVH (the parent company of Calvin Klein and Tommy Hilfiger), Sean John, and Abercrombie & Fitch. Although Europe purchases more than double the volume of clothes from Bangladesh than the United States does, the deal would be more significant if the bigger American retailers such as Wal-Mart and the Gap joined, since both have resisted codes of conduct with independent monitoring and enforcement. Instead, Wal-Mart, the Gap, and 15 other North American brands have created a rival, purely voluntary agreement. Their plan for better factory safety, announced in early July with the Bipartisan Policy Center providing the window dressing, has no arm’s-length monitoring, no penalties, no enforceable rights, and no role for unions.

Depending on how well it is enforced, the European accord could be a turning point that could lead to a new wave of rights for workers in Third World manufacturing. “The business model of the apparel industry logically leads to sweatshops,” says Scott Nova, executive director of the WRC. “The Bangladesh accord holds the promise of altering the model. But we expect that there will be extensive battles ahead.”

Why Did Bangladesh Stocks Rise 30 Percent After the Building Collapse?

 

Why Did Bangladesh Stocks Rise 30 Percent After the Building Collapse?

By Nathaniel Williams for www.elliottwave.com

According to conventional wisdom, stock markets fall after bad news. And if any event ever qualified as “bad news,” it would be Bangladesh’s building collapse in late April. If you recall, an eight-story industrial building collapsed just one day after inspectors discovered cracks in the building and ordered an evacuation. Many garment workers were forced to return to work, and more than 1,100 died in the collapse. It was one of the worst industrial accidents in history.

By all accounts, Bangladesh’s Dhaka General Index should have plummeted. But that’s not what happened. Just one week after the horrific tragedy, the index began to rise — leading to a 30% surge in less than three months.

Could you have anticipated this seemingly unconventional market move? Yes, with the right tools.

And EWI’s Asian-Pacific Financial Forecast used those tools to stay ahead of the trend the entire way. Editor Mark Galasiewski (pronounced ‘gala-shev-ski’) studied the Dhaka General Index’s Elliott wave pattern mere days after the accident. He told his readers in the May 3, 2013, issue (emphasis added):

“The Dhaka General Index advanced in five waves … to a high in 2010. Since then it has fallen in five waves and is now approaching the end of the decline.”
In Elliott wave parlance, a completed five-wave move means a trend has run its course, so Galasiewski knew to expect a correction.But what about the Bangladesh tragedy? It took on a completely different significance to the stock market trend when viewed from an Elliott wave perspective. Here’s why: Bangladesh’s social mood (as reflected in the Dhaka General Index) had been falling for more than two years since the 2010 high, so it was deeply entrenched in a bear market. Galasiewski reminded his readers of Robert Prechter’s observation in the Nov. 2007 Elliott Wave Theorist that “commercial and industrial fatalities have tended to increase during bear market periods and recede in bull markets.” That issue of The Theorist also noted:
“Perhaps there is something about negative mood periods that can cause a lapse of judgment on the part of company managers and employees, potentially leading them into dangerous situations. Or perhaps the economic contractions that accompany negative mood periods force companies to attempt to do more with fewer resources, potentially raising the risks to employees.”
After this terrible tragedy, things could hardly get any worse. Social mood had no where to go but up. And if social mood were to improve, so to would stocks, though this was of little comfort to those who were affected by the tragedy.

 

 

The Asian-Pacific Financial Forecast’s analysis was spot-on, as this updated chart shows. Prices in the Dhaka General Index rebounded the next trading day and rose 30% in less than three months. (Not every forecast works out so well, but five waves completed in one direction do usually signal a change in trend.)

 

“But, Why is that Important to Bangladesh?”- Hedrick Smith speaks to Boston Global Forum

In an interview with Boston Global Forum (BGF), esteemed journalist, political analyst and author, Hedrick Smith, lends a political historian’s perspective to explain the reactions of American retailers to the tragic Rana Plaza collapse in Bangladesh, in April 2014. Smith’s book WHO STOLE THE AMERICAN DREAM describes the transition and evolution of the American economy over the latter half of the 20th century. Smith explains how industrial trends like switching from push manufacturing to pull manufacturing, deregulation and changing corporate attitudes have had a deleterious effect on worker safety standards in offshore manufacturing processes.

Hedrick Smith Credit- hedricksmith.come

Credit- www.hedricksmith.com

 

BGF: In the evolution of the American economy, when did large American brand names start outsourcing their manufacturing processes overseas to other countries? And, was this a gradual shift or something that happened rapidly in a short span of time?

Mr. Smith: My understanding is that this shift really developed during the 1980s. Individual companies, like Motorola or General Electric and other American electronic firms, were among those who led the way to overseas production in the 1980s.  At the time, radios and other electronic products and cars were being built in places like Japan. American manufacturers got interested in those countries, particularly in Japan, Taiwan and Korea. While Japanese, Taiwanese and Hong Kong exports were the first to hit the American market in scale in the 1970s, the real acceleration in American companies’ offshore exports to the U.S.  happened much later – much of it under pressure from Wal-Mart. Wal-Mart was very interested in getting what they called the ‘lowest opening price point’ products made overseas so they could offer the cheapest goods available for American customers.  Sam Walton, founder of Wal-Mart, went to Korea and returned fascinated with Asia and convinced that Asia could become a very important source of Wal-Mart’s imports and a real boost to Wal-Mart’s profits. From then on, Wal-Mart’s profit margins on goods from overseas were tremendous.

But the first major change that ultimately led to overseas production by U.S. companies was the shift in economic power here at home from big producers to big retailers. Wal-Mart led the way. It was an enormously powerful influence on American manufacturers, particularly of low-cost goods including goods like garments. Wal-Mart developed the bar code and other logistical systems that gave American Big Box retailers powerful market leverage that they had not previously enjoyed. This resulted in an economic power shift in American manufacturing. We went from ‘push manufacturing’ to ‘pull manufacturing’. ‘Push’ meaning that producers like Proctor and Gamble, other appliance manufacturers and electronics goods manufacturers determined what products they would produce, and they would push these products to the retail networks across the country. Retailers would simply sell the items they produced.

Under ‘pull manufacturing’, Wal-Mart and the other big-box retailers  came to dominate the producers and the marketplace. They became highly organized and efficient by using tools like the bar code.  At the cash register, retailers could far more rapidly, than the producers, see what products were being sold fastest and instantly place orders for more. That information shifted market power to the big box retailers. With that knowledge and its growing volume of sales, Wal-Mart was able to dictate the products it wanted produced to the producers. Not just what products, but what size, what color and what shape! They knew whether straight-legged jeans were selling or flared-legged; were button-blouses in fashion or not; whether large microwaves were popular or small toasters? These big-box retailers had very detailed information on the products they wanted to sell and so they told producers what to make. Then, led by Wal-Mart, which was seeking that low opening price point, they began to develop international supply lines, that is, overseas producers.

China was not the first target for overseas manufacturing. China came along after the Plaza Accord of 1985 in which there was an upward evaluation of the Japanese, Hong Kong, Taiwanese and Korean currencies to offset alarming flow of imports made from Asia to America. At the same time China devalued its currency. From that time onwards, because there was such a difference in the currency valuations between China and the rest of Asian exporters, China rapidly became the destination that American manufacturers went to. So after the Plaza Accord revalued currencies, the Chinese took market share away from the rest of the Asians. By the 1990s, Chinese supply chains took off. And their operations have become a model for other lower cost Asian producers like Vietnam and Bangladesh.

Talking about Wal-Mart’s role in this trend, in Chapter 15 of Who Stole the American Dream?, I described a meeting of Wal-Mart executives with various American producers. I was told that Wal-Mart pushed them hard to move their manufacturing, especially of low-cost consumer goods, overseas and particularly to China. This did not involve Bangladesh at the start, but there was a sequence here. Japan was the first destination, followed by Hong Kong, Taiwan and Korea. After Korea, the American manufacturers went to mainland China, which has maintained a strong hold for a long time. From 2000 onward, China was supplying 80 percent of Wal-Mart’s overseas imports.  From China, the businesses moved to Bangladesh and Vietnam and other lower cost countries.

What you’re watching in Bangladesh, today, is really the outcome or the latest phase in this movement to low-cost production.

The second factor that in my mind is important to understanding the American response to the terrible factory conditions in Bangladesh, even though it doesn’t seem related, is the beginning of a push for de-regulation of American industries that began in 1978 under Jimmy Carter. It began with trucking and telecommunications and not with garment manufacturers but this deregulation began a long-term trend that reversed the policies of Richard Nixon, the Republican President from 1969-74. Nixon and his administration probably put in more new regulatory agencies and more new regulations on business than any other president since World War II, certainly more than the Democrats like Kennedy and Johnson. And there was a strong business reaction against Nixon’s regulatory regime. This reaction reached its peak in the mid 1990s, when Newt Gingrich was Speaker of the House and Tom Delay, a Congressman from Texas, was the majority whip. Delay was known as “Tommy Dereg'” because of his aggressive push for deregulation. Deregulation had started under Carter but it really blossomed under Gingrich and the Republicans. You don’t get much re-regulation until the financial collapse of 2008.

But, why is that important to Bangladesh?

It’s important because if you look at the American manufacturers and their response to the collapse of the factory and the fire in the other factory in Bangladesh, they resisted any form of regulation that would make them responsible or accountable for the safety of those buildings. They are responding to it very differently from the Europeans. By 2012 and 2013, the American companies had become accustomed to de-regulation. So they were opposed to any regulatory response to the Bangladesh disasters. The European retail firms have responded differently. They are used to more regulation in their economies, so it was more natural for the European firms and their retail customers to step in and accept both some financial responsibility and some legal and moral responsibility. On the contrary, American manufacturers led by Wal-Mart, Target and some of the others, are staunchly resisting any effort to codify rules of behavior, financial responsibility and legal responsibility for the death, damage and destruction of workers and factories in Bangladesh.

To better understand what’s happening in Bangladesh, it’s important to study these two trends in America: ‘push’ manufacturing to ‘pull’ manufacturing where retailers pushed production overseas, and the deregulation trend that accelerates in the mid 1990s. Understanding those trends helps us understand how U.S. companies behave today, what their attitudes are, what their expectations are and what their corporate culture is.  And their corporate culture has a lot to do with their financial and legal response to the disaster in Bangladesh. Historical roots are very important to corporate habits of mind and actions today.

 

BGF: You raised the point about ‘responsibility’, why do you think there was such a sharp contrast between the reactions of American brands and their European counterparts?

Mr. Smith: That leads to a larger question about the ‘social compact’ and about corporate ethic. In the last 30-35 years, we in America have experienced a breaking of the old social compact and the Europeans have not had that. Earlier on, in America, we had labor agreements and labor contracts that determined pay and working conditions. But over and above that, there was a sense among American business leaders and the government that corporations had some responsibility to society. Charlie Wilson, head of General Motors, once said “what’s good for America is good for GM and vice versa.” But now American multinational corporations make a point of stating that they don’t think of themselves any more as American corporations. Typically, they call themselves “global” and they no longer say what Charlie Wilson said, that what’s good for our country is good for the company, too. In Europe, there’s still that sense of a social compact that corporations have an obligation to society as a whole. They have an obligation to their workers, they have an obligation to their customers and they are economic and social citizens, not just corporations.

In Chapter 16 of my book, I describe the change in corporate culture in the US when American corporate leaders came to reflect the new attitude that they are no longer American corporations but global corporations. “We just happen to have our home office in America,” they say. This change starts to happen significantly in the 1990s but it really accelerates in the 2000s after the US – Chinese trade agreement following which there’s a great rush by large American corporations to set up shop in China.

How does that relate to your question? It helps explain the different European and American responses to the crisis in Bangladesh. Well, if you as a business don’t feel rooted in a country, you don’t feel any particular obligation to your customers in that country or to your workers in that country. So as American firms globalize their operations, they look at the problems of their Bangladesh suppliers strictly on a profit-and-loss basis. They’re response is-“What does it cost us to get out of trouble in Bangladesh? We don’t want to take on any permanent responsibility there.” But European companies are looking at Bangladesh and saying, “How do we maintain credibility with our domestic customers?  And how do we remain a good German or French or Dutch or Danish corporate citizen in our country? We would be regarded as a bad citizen if we buy garments and make a profit from a country where there are scandalous working conditions.” The Europeans have a responsible corporate ethic at work.

The corporate ethic at work in America today is the ethic of ‘shareholder capitalism’. Our goal is to maximize the return to our shareholders, our owners. Our focus is on the stock market price of our company shares. That also matters to European firms, but they are operating on a broader stakeholder basis. They are talking about ‘stakeholder capitalism’. The Europeans believe that their stakeholders include owners, shareholders, workers, customers, and the communities they operate within. They want to maintain good relations with all their stakeholders. So when they look at the terrible working conditions in Bangladesh, they’re looking at how to protect those relationships between their corporations and the home society where they sell their products.

The American CEOs are thinking what’s profit and loss? They’re thinking, “If I’m going to take a loss here because American customers are upset for a little while about the collapse of a factory in Bangladesh, what do I have to fork up now? What do I have to do to make myself look good for the moment because these people are going to forget about this in another six months.” It’s a crass profit and loss calculation, very different from the Europeans. I believe that’s why they’re behaving differently. American businessmen used to believe in a pretty similar corporate ethic to the Europeans. And some do now too, I think Costco is quite different from Wal-Mart. I think Costco is much more concerned about its relationships with its customers and employees. In general, they behave like a good corporate citizen, but for other companies, the Wal-Mart model is more prevalent. I would say that’s the third great change.

So I see three long-term trends affecting the corporate responses to what’s going on in Bangladesh today:  the change in the corporate mindset and social contract at American companies; the shift in economic power from ‘push’ production to ‘pull’ production; and the growth in corporate expectations of deregulation and their freedom from legal and financially accountability so that they can make maximum profit at minimum risk and minimum cost.

 

BGF: It took a factory collapse that killed 1100 people to start a conversation about worker safety. What could bring about a change in American corporate attitude akin to the kind that Europe is reflecting now? What is that catalyst for change, if there is a possibility for one?

Mr. Smith: I have to admit that, as far as American businesses are concerned, I’m skeptical. In Europe, social pressures, laws and regulations, and a pact among the major European retailers are going to change their conduct. European retailers have committed themselves to take action, make investments to improve working conditions in Bangladesh and monitor conditions there. I am skeptical that the American retailers are going to change fundamentally unless there is continued public pressure and public unease about buying goods from companies in which there is blood on the hands of the Bangladesh producers. They have been making a profit by failing to protect their workers and blood was spilled. There was an immediate reaction of horror in North America as well as in Europe but public concern has subsided substantially in America now. I think unless there is public pressure or legislative action, most American retail giants will carry on pretty much as they have in the past, without taking direct corporate responsibility to improve the situation. The $100 million pledged by American brands, is a loan fund, not a direct investment by the American firms in safety improvement. They’re offering to lend the money to the Bangladesh producers, but it is up to the Bangladesh producers to spend the money and pay back the loans. The Bangladesh producers have already established themselves as unconscionable on these issues of worker safety. Counting on the Bangladesh manufacturers to improve the situation is like waiting for the tooth fairy.

The American firms have said they will demand that Bangladesh producers comply with certain standards but their standards are vague, so it will be pretty hard for the rest of us to know whether the Bangladesh garment manufacturers will have done enough to improve the situation. And who’s going to monitor progress and on what basis? Theoretically that kind of corporate monitoring has been going on all along, but when the factory collapsed, American firms were quick to deny that they knew about those bad conditions. I would like to believe that from now on that there is hope for improvement, but this is not a new situation. It’s been going on a long time and not just in Bangladesh. There are bad factory conditions all over China. They have not had one single disaster as bad as in Bangladesh. So there’s no single incident to highlight Chinese working conditions. And theoretically, U.S. firms monitor working conditions there, periodic revelations show that not very much has been done to significantly improve working conditions in China, not by firm such as Wal-Mart, which is getting a huge percentage of its products from China. So on that basis, I don’t see these American retailers taking an aggressive initiative in Bangladesh without there being an intense amount of public pressure or some new disasters.
And we would all hate to see that it required more disasters to generate sustained pressure for improvements. That would be terrible.